The idea of \u200b\u200bglobalization as a mechanism for an unprecedented wealth and prosperity has penetrated deeply into the sights of thousands of people who have been in poverty for centuries. Similarly, as pointed out by Joseph Stiglitz in "THE GLOBALIZATION OF OVERSEELLING" created expectations about the phenomenon, which have surpassed the reality of it. Globalization raised only as a strategy of integration and liberalization of markets leaves much to be done and huge social gaps that need work. The constant interaction between people, great roads and technological developments allow us to speak of an interconnected world in which it is possible a more equitable participation. Of course, these ideas need more support than they have had, unlike they have been given to those from the IMF, WB, WTO and the same Washington Consensus.Ahora well like most countries in Latin America, Brazil has chosen at first by such neoliberal strategies, directed from the agencies mentioned. From this point of view, Brazil does not differ much from countries like Chile, Colombia, Argentina and Venezuela. But if it is very interesting to see how a country of magnitude
s huge, both geographically and demographically, it has been necessary to seek alternatives to globalization that will allow more equitable development within their own territorio.La Federal Republic of Brazil has an area of \u200b\u200b8,514,877 km2 (17 times the size of a country like Spain). Also has a population of 186,405,000 inhabitants, ie the 5 th most populous country. It has a GDP of U.S. $ 1,903,500 and a per capita GDP of U.S. $ 10,231, compared with a GDP of Spain and the U.S. $ 1,123,700 and a per capita GDP of U.S. $ 27,542. This reflects a latent great inequality, but something even more inequitable distribution accuser is the country's own GDP data do not indicate the Brazilian social reality, since 40% of the poorest people in it is about pay gaps and 1 ½ minimum wage, while 10% of the population has an income salariares rich more than 13 minimum wages. Likewise, note that about 70 million people live in poverty, this poses great challenges and social and economic transformation of urgency.
ECONOMIC HISTORY OF Brasill ECLAC, born after World War II, examines the negative consequences of the crisis that the 30 Latin American countries were still suffering. In these years, thinking that creek identified gaps between the center and periphery, as the result of a late industrialization puts them in the world economy as recipients of manufactured products. "In this context that the ECLAC proposed development models through industrialization (...) In the early years was not concerned in any direct action-oriented R & D and Social Development "
[1] , equally diverting resources from agriculture to industry, as well the creation of tariff barriers, which sought to replace imports. "Brazil is the country where the import substitution model reached its highest level. In fact through an extensive network of institutional arrangements (...), from 1945 to 1980, Brazil's GDP grew by 1,132%, equivalent to an annual average of about 7.44%. Growth, however, still creating industrial fabric virtually complete, did not translate into more development. "
[2] All this translates into massive migration from rural areas to urban. In addition, it contributed decisively to the formation of a very large number of employees with very low wages and a workforce more or less qualified with high enough wages, profiling and labor inequalities. This dichotomy caused great division in society. Generating an extremely high concentration of wealth in certain social strata.
[1] Brazil Bulletin, Centre for Brazilian Studies Ortega y Gasset, November and December 2005. Volume 2. 6.
[2] Ibid.
ECONOMIC HISTORY OF Brasill ECLAC, born after World War II, examines the negative consequences of the crisis that the 30 Latin American countries were still suffering. In these years, thinking that creek identified gaps between the center and periphery, as the result of a late industrialization puts them in the world economy as recipients of manufactured products. "In this context that the ECLAC proposing models of development through industrialization (...) In the early years did not care for any actions directly oriented R & D and Social Development "
[1] , equally diverting resources from agriculture to industry and the creation of tariff barriers, which sought to replace imports. "Brazil is the country where the import substitution model reached its highest level. In fact through an extensive network of institutional arrangements (...), from 1945 to 1980, Brazil's GDP grew by 1,132%, equivalent to an annual average of about 7.44%. Growth, however, even creating an industrial structure almost complete, did not translate into more development. "
[2] This resulting in massive migration from rural areas to urban. In addition, it contributed decisively to the formation of a very large number of employees with very low wages and a workforce more or less qualified with high enough wages, profiling and labor inequalities. This dichotomy caused great division in society. Generating an extremely high concentration of wealth in certain social strata.
[1] Brazil Bulletin, Centre for Brazilian Studies Ortega y Gasset, November and December 2005. Volume 2. 6.
[2] Ibid.
course, for the raising of capital, domestic demand is not expanding proportionately, was a model of substitution, but to a limited market, not looking for quality and technology, ie all a fairly complete industrial enclave but with little ability to compete internationally. Because this process of industrialization, create countless inflationary pressures, with an increasingly vigorous dynamics, thus preventing obtain the necessary stability for economic growth and development. The Real Plan, which emerged in the late 80's and early 90's, meant a liberalization of the economy, coupled with a strong appreciation of the exchange rate, ie with the entry of competition external disputes rents in the domestic market, were subdued. Therefore, liberalization was based on the strangulation of a small middle class and wage reductions of up to 30% of actual value. High socio-economic costs are evident even today, to which is added a corruption of public resources, religious associations and a significant increase in violence and crime. Prescriptions imposed from IMF and WB, among others, noted the need for deficit financing, created by the alleged social investment state, but data indicating a shift in public spending on investment the public sector. Financial sustainability policy, monetary stabilization, plunged the government on the need to expand the weight of social contributions, while institutional forms created to manage these revenues and achieve macroeconomic adjustment, placing a cap on social spending and allowing displacement effect of the financial expenditures on social spending. Besides this, structural and geographical differences in Brazil very uneven power output, not only between individuals but between geographical areas. The concentration, for example, of illiteracy is much wider in the northwestern regions, nearly 40%, not to mention the differences in education between rural areas and urban.
FINANCIAL MARKET LIBERALIZATION IN BRASILAl like other sectors of the Brazilian economy, the financial market was immersed over the past decade in a process of liberalization, which brought a huge change in regulation and legislation in this area especially in the banking aspect. It also introduced an important change in the funding and the increasing entry of foreign capital, changing in much the same ownership of public banks. Today, the Brazilian banking system is the sector that represents the best value in the economy with an average of 17% off an average return of 5.6% from other sectors, but as pointed out by André da Silva Moreira and Julimar Bichara, in his article published in the Bulletin of Brazil of the Fundación Ortega y Gasset <>
[1] . The characteristics of the Brazilian banking system respond to a concentration of 77% of assets in 20 banks, including 5 public banks account for 39% of total banking sector assets. But in recent years, the financial system has undergone major changes, foreign capital at the beginning of the 90 accounted for 7% of assets in 2001 grew to represent 30% of the asset market. Most banks privatized national and traditional private banks joined several international groups or sold. That is, the initial success of the real plan, economic liberalization and the central bank's action as a regulator and watchdog of the system allowed a boom in investment in capital inflows of the country and increased private spending, especially in the debt of the banking consolidation familias.La in Brazil was accompanied by an insertion of foreign capital, with high participation from 1996 to 1999, but the Brazilian financial system as global logic of assets Financial in other countries, international trend points to a search of economies of scale and scope. Although at first said foreign capital to 30% of banking assets, today is 25%. This liberalization has similarly not been enough to ease the financial shortage in the industry, but questions the ability of the system for the management of credit with interest internationally competitive, in addition to bank spreads remain very high and undermining effectiveness of the sector, although it remains the most profitable in this country.The that points to the paradox of financial dependence on the economies of Latin American countries due to their fragility in gross capital formation itself is that the gap between borrowing and lending of the sector often lead to the establishment of a casino economy, with astronomical interest rates in order to attract capital and prevent the escape fearful national capital.
[2] [1] Brazil Bulletin, Centre for Brazilian Studies Ortega y Gasset, July-August 2004, Volume 1, Issue 3.
[2] "New Paradoxes of Liberalization in Latin America?, Pierre Salama, Revista de Comercio Exterior. Vol 52, No. 9. September 2002.
MERCOSUR: A STRATEGY REGIONALMERCOSUR Common Market South, is an economic bloc whose main Member States are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and, more recently, Venezuela. Among its purposes is to promote the free exchange and movement of goods, persons and capital between the countries involved, and move into greater political and cultural integration among its member countries and partners. Although the latter is seen as a goal far removed from reality, since the last meeting of MERCOSUR, which took place in these days, made clear the major differences and disagreements among Latin American countries, not to mention the different economic strategies carried out by Chile and Colombia with their respective FTAs \u200b\u200bbilaterally with the U.S., what shows, not the will of South American regional integration, but rather by a sectorial.Las this union negotiations conducted since 1985 with the declaration Foz de Iguazu. Then there was a series of meetings throughout this decade and 90, until 1995 came into force the Protocol of Ouro Preto, which established a common external tariff among its members, except in the automotive products and sugar, obviously run by its main sponsors, in this case Argentina and Brazil. Addition, MERCOSUR has negotiated and signed agreements with third countries and even other economic communities such as CAN and maintains membership status with Bolivia (1996), Chile (1996), Peru (2003), Colombia (2004) and Ecuador (2004). This organization represented in 2005 1.8 billion dollars of exports and 1.6 billion of imports, providing 1 / 3 of world trade. Holds even a special relationship with the European Union, which is committed to lowering its commodity subsidies, in order to have an economic relationship equitativa.El Mercosur as an integration project in the Latin America, provides adding more states that make the region. Likewise, states also quite interesting projects and cooperation in education, finding educational system integration between Argentina and Brazil (2006) in order to create a future MERCOSUR University itself. Also, the union demonstrates its social character by providing a more inclusive labor negotiations, which not only companies have the lead, but were set up tripartite labor-management agencies (the Labour Commission, CSL) between employers, governments and unions with real acts of dialogue. In addition, it was decided the free movement of persons residence and signed in The Agreement on Residence for Nationals of States Parties of MERCOSUR, Bolivia and Chile (02/12/2002), with which it is a free residence right to work for all citizens, no other nationality requirement that accrediting and not having any criminal record. Which indicates a willingness to integrate migration flows increasingly mayor.Los, from the perspective of the globalization of world economy, are quite interesting, in a country like Brazil for more than 186 million people and human capital which is almost 60% of the total population. Raises possibilities for economic growth and quite significant, mobilization and education of this potential workforce is not only something of the reality present but future of this country, which will be important internal management of the same, creating an internal and regional markets that can meet the needs of this population , enhancing both its desarrollo.Aunque is important not only to highlight the growing internal and external mobility of the Brazilians, both outside and inside the country, however, it should be noted, no doubt, those urban concentrations and perhaps more prosperous of the Brazilian society, which maintains the economic and social imbalances, particularly between the regions of southwest and northeast. AFTER
ELECTION OF LULA. As discussed GLOBALIZATION IN BRAZIL the beginning of the Real Plan was keeping the economy on the rise, with the liberalization that had tripled investment in the country and a host of measures that were aimed at the creation of a service worker and manufacturing. It was shaping up more investment and incentives for imports that went only to the services sector (telecommunications, energy, etc) and less to the industry, which in itself meant a significant decline in manufacturing exports and primary goods, importing those services in Brazil are a very interesting market. All this, plus the structural imbalances, chronic inflation and foreign debt more than 55% of GDP, are elements of the context in which President Lula da Silva from the PT, the Workers Party, was elected for the first time 2002.Esta election year brought expectations of change and social restructuring quite important. A president from the ranks of the employees themselves, who kept and maintained, even today, more equitable social discourse, a great promoter of the World Social Forum (Porto Alegre), and one of the promoters of that slogan that seemed to provide some hope those classes in poverty, when they said "that another world is possible "in this economic climate as accuser and a huge social inequalities such as those mentioned above, Lula da Silva introduced himself as the alternative to globalization and shift to a more equitable economic integration. Lula had a voice and not the echo from their northern neighbors. That is, this part of our work is titled "Brazil an eye to social globalization" precisely because this movement of change that occurred in Latin America, one of the main speakers the Chairman of the Federal Republic of Brazil Lula da Silva.Mas, as usual, truth is stranger than by far the desires, the long-awaited change posed no great shock mechanisms against poverty, nor was an alternative model that followed neoliberal economics in Latin America. Precisely indicate the structural imbalances Brazilian political-economic system helps explain why a radical change was not possible. Lula was considered at the international eyes as a possible trigger for further economic destabilization. His figure was not a safe image for the investment of capital. From here follow a number of conservative economic policies, which purported to show a face of Brazil's most stable and social governance, but not radical. All It was selling an image of Lula that could endorse international investment in Brazil. The economy, initially rose, but the first critics were heard, monetary policy was characterized by its conservatism, interest rates remained stable, investment in Brazil was no longer seen as a risk and, although dynamics were rising, this was considerably less than expected economic growth. Social investments were small but quite significant, the programs of "zero hunger" came to a large number of people, but not all those in need, as well as incentives for youth work with the "First Job Programme" and the change in labor law. In addition, the set of subsidies and which forms part of measures intended to broaden the public health, were not enough. The necessary coverage far exceeded the acquiree. "Therefore, it appears that the Lula government opted for a cautious economic strategy in the conduct of macroeconomic policy to prevent the emergence of any inflationary pressure, even at a political cost inside the Workers Party. "
[1] What he has meant to a lower concentration Brazilian President on reelection vote 2006 and less legitimacy and popular support. However, expectations are still alive and seem to discern causes effective to alleviate the problems and socio-economic inequality in Brazil. Although as you said J. Saramago: Lula took office but not the power .... Also included Eduardo Galeano when he says that while utopias are unattainable, they help us to walk.
[1] Brazil Bulletin, Centre for Brazilian Studies Ortega y Gasset, Volumen1. Number 6, November-December 2004. Posted by efg321
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